Somalia President: Al-shabab Could Attack The United States

Kenya Mall Attack

The petition accuses the United States of a variety of abuses stemming from the decades long use of Vieques Island as a bombing practice site. For a number of years the United States would run live fire training on the island. In 1999 the United States was responsible for killing a security guard on the island when they dropped a 500-pound bomb for testing. As a result of the accidental death the U.S terminated its live-fire training program on Vieques in 2003. The Associated Press has reported that families living on the island have suffered serious, long-term health effects as a result of the chemical fall out resulting from the Navy’s bombings. Natasha Lycia Ora, a lawyer with the NLG told AP “There’s a lot of information that remains unknown regarding toxic contaminants. People are unaware of what is causing their health issues and the continuous contamination of the island.” Lawyers filed the petition on Monday on behalf of ten Vieques residents who have fallen ill with cancer or on behalf of their loved ones. The NLG is looking to determine if the United States violated any human rights with their testing. The U.S has long denied that their testing has caused any damage to the health and wellbeing of the people or environment of Vieques Island. Annette Martinez, director of the Human Rights Clinic at the InterAmerican Law School in Puerto Rico told AP that if the US is found to have violated any human rights they will be seeking reparations in the form of improved healthcare. In March of this year the U.S Department of Health and Human Services released a report saying they found no evidence that the cause of the residents’ of the island illnesses was the fallout from the bombings. The island’s people were not happy about this report and would file a law suit accusing the U.S government of “causing illnesses through harmful residues.” The suit would later be dismissed.

United States Accused Of Human Rights Violations For Bombing Puerto Rico

intelligence officials disputed this assessment in interviews with The Daily Beast. On Monday, Rep. Ed Royce, the Republican chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee said, I think at this point we do not have any evidence that al-Shabab has a capability of carrying out attacks on the United States. This points to the importance of our surveillance and intelligence capabilities on the ground in east Africa because there are a number of Americans who have joined the group. Mohamuds government, which was ++recognized by the Obama administration in January after a two-decade break in formal U.S.-Somali diplomatic relations, is widely regarded to be Somalias best hope for continuing a transition to a functional democracy and reestablishing government control of the few parts of Somalia now under al-Shabab control. He says that while its true the terrorist group still calls Somalia home, its not true that the group is Somali in origin or makeup. In Shabab there are Kenyans, there are Ugandans, there are Ethiopians, there are Arabs. It is only true that they are headquartered in Somalia, but Shabab is not Somali, the president said. He said he did not know if any Americans were involved in the Nairobi attack, as the group has claimed. Al-Shabab is on the defensive inside Somalia due to the combined efforts of Somali, Ethiopian, and international forces, and the group is losing the ability to fight militarily or hold large amounts of territory, Mohamud said, but they are still very capable of attacking soft targets and using terror tactics to kill innocents. The Shabab is losing ground and they are not in a position right now militarily to take new territories. They are on the run, he said. But their threat is not yet finished. They have still training camps. They have bomb factories in very remote areas Even if we defeat Shabab militarily completely, thats not the end of the war with Shabab. They will continue suicide bombs, roadside bombs; this will go on for some time. In Washington, Mohamud met with Secretary of State John Kerry, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, National Security Advisor Susan Rice, and leading lawmakers including Sen.

Dream Defender, Ahmad Abuznaid, Will Deliver Document to United Nations in Geneva

They pursued a careful media strategy, leveraging national outrage over the death of a college graduated named Sun Zhigang to humanize their legal argument. Their petition quickly caught fire, particularly in the cybersphere as ordinary citizens – already frustrated with police abuse – saw legal remedy for their societal grievances. As Teng Biao recounts , “passionate internet discussions continued… the term ‘constitutional review (weixian shencha),’ a technical legal term, immediately became a buzzword in conversations about town.” Shortly thereafter, the State Council announced a set of replacement regulations that effectively ended the Detention and Repatriation system once and for all. In America, Republicans might champion the Second Amendment, Democrats the Fourteenth, but for liberals in China, there has been nothing quite as exciting as Articles 33 and 37. In their petition, Xu and his colleagues grounded their legal claims in Article 37 of the PRC Constitution, which prohibits unlawful restrictions on personal freedom. Legal scholar Hu Xingdou has cited the same provision in trying to dismantle an abusive form of administration detention called Re-education through Labor. Article 33, on the other hand, is China’s version of the Equal Protection Clause, which has been invoked often by Chinese rights defenders in cases relating to employment discrimination. Why have so many advocates begun employing constitutional arguments? For one, these arguments enjoy more official legitimacy than other kinds of discourse. Given the regime’s own rhetorical commitment to the rule of law, it is more difficult to censor a legal expert explicating a constitutional argument than a dissident spouting ideology. Second, ordinary citizens – who have been subjected to years of legal popularization campaigns (pufa yundong), are by now very receptive to legal argument. That preexisting social grievances are suddenly given legal cover helps galvanize them to action. In the end, it was the popular outrage in each of these cases – not the opinions of a nine-judge tribunal – that compelled the state to respond.

We the People(‘s) Dictatorship? Constitutional Politics in the United States and China

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